Author Topic: Reconsidering Delimitation - उत्तराखंड में परिसीमन पर फिर से हो विचार  (Read 18602 times)

पंकज सिंह महर

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साथियो,
        आज हमारे उत्तराखण्ड राज्य के सामने दो प्रमुख राजनैतिक समस्याएं हैं, पहला तो स्थाई राजधानी का प्रकरण और दूसरा परिसीमन का प्रकरण। परिसीमन के मामले में राष्ट्रीय राजनीतिक दलों की चुप्पी रही, सिर्फ उत्तराखण्ड क्रान्ति दल ने ही इसे प्रमुखता से उठाया और इसका विरोध किया। जब परिसीमन आयोग उत्तराखण्ड आया था तो उक्रांद ने इसकी तीनों बैठकों (देहरादून, नैनीताल और पौड़ी) में विरोध किया और आयोग को उत्तराखण्ड की वास्तविक स्थितियों से अवगत भी कराया।
      उत्तराखण्ड में परिसीमन भौगोलिक आधार पर या २००२ के परिसीमन के आधार पर हो तो उचित होगा। क्योंकि नये परिसीमन से पहाड़ी क्षेत्रों की ९ विधानसभा क्षेत्र समाप्त हो जायेंगे और यह सीटें मैदानी क्षेत्रों में जुड़ जायेंगी।
      मेरा मानना है कि उत्तराखण्ड में नये परिसीमन की आवश्यकता नहीं है, उसे यथावत ही रहने देना चाहिये।

नये परिसीमन के लागू होने से पर्वतीय जनपदों के निम्न विधान सभा क्षेत्र कम हो जायेंगे-

१- जिला चमोली से एक सीट (नन्दप्रयाग)
२- पौड़ी गढ़्वाल से दो सीटें (१- धूमाकोट २- बीरोंखाल)
३- पिथौरागढ़ से एक सीट (कनालीछीना)
४- बागेश्वर से एक सीट (कांडा)
५- अल्मोड़ा से एक सीट (भिकियासैंण)

पर्वतीय जनपदों से कुल ६ (छ्ह) सीटें कम होंगी, जो मैदानी जनपदों में जोड़ी जायेंगी निम्नानुसार-

१- देहरादून जनपद में एक सीट
२- हरिद्वार जनपद में दो सीट
३- नैनीताल जनपद में एक सीट
४- उधम सिंह नगर जनपद में दो सीट

शेष टिहरी, चम्पावत, रुद्रप्रयाग तथा उत्तरकाशी जनपदों में विधान सभा क्षेत्र यथावत रखे गये हैं।
साथियो,
        उत्तराखण्ड में विधान सभा क्षेत्रों का परिसीमन २००१ में वर्ष १९७१ की जनगणना के आधार पर किया गया था। इसी परिसीमन में उत्तराखण्ड के साथ न्याय नहीं हो पा रहा था, रुद्रप्रयाग और चम्पावत जैसे दुर्गम इलाकों में १ लाख १४ हजार की आबादी पर विधान सभा क्षेत्र बनाये गये, वहीं देहरादून में ४९ हजार की आबादी पर एक विधायक बना दिया गया। हरिद्वार जनपद में जहां हर १६ किलोमीटर पर एक विधायक है वहीं पर्वतीय जनपदों में १३५ किलोमीटर पर एक विधायक है। हरिद्वार का विधायक एक ही दिन में अपने क्षेत्र का दो बार भ्रमण कर सकता है, वहीं धार्चूला का विधायक जिसका क्षेत्र जौलजीबी से शुरू होकर चीन बार्डर तक है, उसे १३५ किलोमीटर की दूरी तय करनी पड़ती है। जिसमें ४० किलोमीटर ही सड़क मार्ग है, शेष ९५ किलोमीटर पैदल चलना पड़ता है। १० हजार फीट की ऊंचाई पर चीन सीमा से लगी जोहार, व्यांस और दारमा वैली की ४०० किलोमीटर की दूरी तय कर पाना क्या किसी चुनौती से कम है, आज फिर से परिसीमन करके उस क्षेत्र को और बढा दिया जायेगा।
         मैदानी जिले में २६१ वर्ग किलोमीटर क्षेत्रफल पर एक विधायक है, वहीं पर्वतीय क्षेत्रों में इससे १० गुना करीब २६४८ वर्ग किलोमीटर पर एक विधायक है। साफ है कि पहाड़ों की विषम भौगोलिक स्थिति और वहां पर संचार, सड़क और अन्य बुनियादी सुविधाओं का अभाव है, उसके आधार पर यह परिसीमन कैसे हमें मान्य हो सकता है। विधायक निधि को ही देखा जाय तो वर्तमान में जो परिसीमन लागू किया जा रहा है, उससे ही पर्वतीय क्षेत्रों का प्रतिवर्ष ९.०० करोड़ रूपया विधायक निधि का ही कम हो गया है। आंकड़ों को देखा जाय तो मैदानी क्षेत्रों में जनसंख्या के प्रतिशत में लगातार वृद्दि हुई और पर्वतीय क्षेत्रों में यह आंकड़ा लगातार घट रहा है, रोजगार के लिये पलायन करना हमारी मजबूरी है।
          संविधान के अनुच्छेद ८१ एव ८२ में प्रावधान है कि प्रत्येक जनगणना के बाद विधान सभा और लोक सभा क्षेत्रों का परिसीमन किया जाय तथा ८४ वें संशोधन के अनुसार में १९७१ की जनगणना के आधार पर हुये परिसीमन को २००१ तक व १९९१ की जनसंख्या के आधार पर हुये परिसीमन को २०२६ तक परिसीमित मान लिया गया। संविधान के ८४ वें सशोधन में यह व्यवस्था की गई थी कि राज्य के निर्वाचन क्षेत्रों को १९७१ की जनसंख्या के आधार पर निर्वाचन सीटों का आवंटन किया जायेगा और इसके बाद २००१ की जनगणना के आधार पर फिर समायोजित किया जायेगा। इस प्रकार प्रस्तावित परिसीमन दो वर्षो १९७१ और २००१ की जनसंख्या के आधार पर किया गया था, न कि २००१ की गणना पर। इसमें यह भी व्यवस्था थी कि जिन राज्योम में १९७१ की जनगणना के चाधार पर परिसीमन हो गया है, वहां २०२६ तक परिसीमन की आवश्यकता नहीं है। चूंकि उत्तराखण्ड में १९७१ की गणना के आधार पर परिसीमन किया जा चुका था, तो इसे इस परिसीमन से अलग रखा जाना चाहिये था।

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देहरादून। उक्रांद विधायक पुष्पेष त्रिपाठी ने कहा कि नागालैंड, असम, अरुणाचल प्रदेश, मणिपुर और झारखंड की तरह ही उत्तराखंड के परिसीमन पर पुनर्विचार किया जाना चाहिए। उत्तराखंड में विधानसभा सीटों के परिसीमन को पहाड़ के लिए अन्यायपूर्ण बताते हुए श्री त्रिपाठी ने इसके लिए दोनों राष्ट्रीय दलों भाजपा तथा कांग्रेस के सांसदों को जिम्मेदार ठहराया।

श्री त्रिपाठी ने एक बयान में कहा कि पर्वतीय क्षेत्र की दुरूह भौगोलिक स्थितियों को देखते हुए परिसीमन में जनसंख्या के साथ भौगोलिक आधार पर भी गौर करने की मांग लगातार उठती रही। इसी आधार पर उक्त राज्यों के प्रस्तावों पर केंद्र सरकार वहां परिसीमन अयोग द्वारा किए गए परिसीमन के बाद भी संशोधन करने जा रही है। पहाड़ के साथ हो रहे अन्याय के लिए उन्होंने दोनों राष्ट्रीय दलों के सांसदों को जिम्मेदार ठहराया। उन्होंने कहा कि संसद में 84वां संशोधन के दौरान इन दोनों राष्ट्रीय दलों के सांसदों ने परिसीमन पर पर्वतीय क्षेत्र की भावनाओं को कभी आवाज देने की कोशिश नहीं की। उन्होंने कहा कि वर्तमान मुख्यमंत्री भी तब संसद सदस्य थे। राज्य में भाजपा को समर्थन देते समय उक्रांद के नौ बिंदुओं पर भाजपा से अपनी सहमति दी थी। इसका चौथा बिंदु है- 2001 की जनसंख्या के आधार पर हुए परिसीमन को स्थगित कर जनसंख्या और भौगोलिक आधार पर परिसीमन लिए विधानसभा में प्रस्ताव पारित कर संसद को भेजा जाएगा। विस के दो सत्र हो चुके हैं पर भाजपा ने इस महत्वपूर्ण बिंदु पर कभी गौर करने की जरूरत नहीं समझी। श्री त्रिपाठी ने कहा कि केंद्र सरकार के राजनीतिक मामलों की केबिनेट कमेटी ने नए परिसीमन को हरी झंडी दे दी है। लेकिन सिर्फ पांच राज्यों नागालैंड, असम, अरुणाचल प्रदेश, मणिपुर और झारखंड में परिसीमन में संशोधन होने जा रहा है। उन्होंने कहा कि यदि यहां की विस से इस तरह का प्रस्ताव संसद को भेजा जाए तो सूबे के परिसीमन में संशोधन हो सकता है। उन्होंने कहा कि जनसंख्या के आधार पर हुए परिसीमन में पहले पर्वतीय क्षेत्र से नौ सीटें कम होने की बात कही जा रही थी पर बाद में मानकों में ढील देने का दावा करते हुए छह सीटें कम की गई। उन्होंने कहा कि यदि मानकों में ढील देना संभव है तो फिर पर्वतीय क्षेत्र से एक भी सीट कम नहीं होनी चाहिए।

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यूकेडी खुद जाए केंद्र के पास: सीएम

देहरादून। परिसीमन मामले में मुख्यमंत्री भुवन चंद्र खंडूड़ी से वार्ता करने गए उक्रांद नेताओं को उन्होंने सलाह दी कि वे खुद राष्ट्रपति और केंद्र सरकार के पास यह मुद्दा लेकर जाएं। सरकार की तरफ से ऐसा कोई प्रस्ताव केंद्र को भेजने पर विवशता जताते हुए उन्होंने कहा कि यह उनकी पार्टी के स्टैंड के खिलाफ होगा।

उक्रांद नेता अध्यक्ष डा.नारायण सिंह जंतवाल और कैबिनेट मंत्री दिवाकर भटट के नेतृत्व में पार्टी के पदाधिकारी आज मुख्यमंत्री से मिलने उनके सचिवालय स्थित कार्यालय पहुंचे। उन्होंने मुख्यमंत्री को याद दिलाई कि जब उक्रांद ने भाजपा की अल्पमत सरकार को समर्थन दिया था, तब नौ बिंदुओं पर सहमति हुई थी। इस सहमति पत्र का चौथा बिंदु जनसंख्या के आधार पर हुए परिसीमन को समाप्त कर जनसंख्या और भौगोलिक आधार पर नए परिसीमन की मांग करने वाला प्रस्ताव विधानसभा के माध्यम से केंद्र को भेजने की बात कही गई थी। सूत्रों के अनुसार सौहार्दपूर्ण वातावरण हुई बातचीत में मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि भाजपा सरकार इस मामले में अपना स्टैंड बदलने की स्थिति में नहीं है। सरकार को इसके लिए पार्टी और हाई कमान से दिशा निर्देश मांगने होंगे। उन्होंने उक्रांद नेताओं को सलाह दी कि बेहतर होगा, यदि वे खुद मामले को केंद्र सरकार और राष्ट्रपति के पास ले जाएं। इस दौरान उक्रांद के वरिष्ठ नेता काशी सिंह ऐरी को दिए गए हिल्ट्रान अध्यक्ष के दायित्व को लेकर भी चर्चा हुई। मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि वह चाहते हैं कि हिल्ट्रान की बेहतरी हो, सरकार इस काम में उनकी पूरी तरह मदद करने को तैयार है। वार्ता में अध्यक्ष डा.नारायण सिंह जंतवाल, मंत्री दिवाकर भटट, पूर्व अध्यक्ष बीडी रतूड़ी, त्रिवेंद्र सिंह पंवार और शक्तिशैल कपरवाण आदि शामिल हुए। इस दौरान मुख्यमंत्री को ज्ञापन भी सौंपा गया। उक्रांद अध्यक्ष डा.नारायण सिंह जंतवाल ने कहा कि अन्यायपूर्ण परिसीमन पर उक्रांद संघर्ष करता आया है। आगे भी हमारा संघर्ष जारी रहेगा। उन्होंने कहा कि परिसीमन के लिए बनाई गई एसोसिएट सदस्यों की कमेटी में मान्यता प्राप्त क्षेत्रीय दल होने के बावजूद उक्रांद को प्रतिनिधित्व नहीं दिया गया। इसलिए हमें सड़कों पर संघर्ष करना पड़ा। उन्होंने कहा कि उक्रांद केंद्र पर दबाव बनाने के लिए अपना संघर्ष जारी रखेगा।

एम.एस. मेहता /M S Mehta 9910532720

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साथियो,
        आज हमारे उत्तराखण्ड राज्य के सामने दो प्रमुख राजनैतिक समस्याएं हैं, पहला तो स्थाई राजधानी का प्रकरण और दूसरा परिसीमन का प्रकरण। परिसीमन के मामले में राष्ट्रीय राजनीतिक दलों की चुप्पी रही, सिर्फ उत्तराखण्ड क्रान्ति दल ने ही इसे प्रमुखता से उठाया और इसका विरोध किया। जब परिसीमन आयोग उत्तराखण्ड आया था तो उक्रांद ने इसकी तीनों बैठकों (देहरादून, नैनीताल और पौड़ी) में विरोध किया और आयोग को उत्तराखण्ड की वास्तविक स्थितियों से अवगत भी कराया।
      उत्तराखण्ड में परिसीमन भौगोलिक आधार पर या २००२ के परिसीमन के आधार पर हो तो उचित होगा। क्योंकि नये परिसीमन से पहाड़ी क्षेत्रों की ९ विधानसभा क्षेत्र समाप्त हो जायेंगे और यह सीटें मैदानी क्षेत्रों में जुड़ जायेंगी।
      मेरा मानना है कि उत्तराखण्ड में नये परिसीमन की आवश्यकता नहीं है, उसे यथावत ही रहने देना चाहिये।

 


Mahar ji,

You r quite right.

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a news on delimitation in Uttarakhand

Daily Pioneer, February 16, 2007

Sidharth Mishra | Hardwar
Uttar manthan Election 2007

It may sound incredible but the delimitation of seats for future elections is turning into a major issue in the present poll. The recent notification of seats by the Delimitation Commission, which would come into force from the next Lok Sabha and the 2012 Assembly elections, threatens to end the dominance of the hills in the Uttarakhand Vidhan Sabha.

This change would be monumental as the BJP was punished in 2002 for foisting Nityanand Swami, a maidani (of the plains ), as the first Chief Minister of the hill State. Today the Uttarakhand Kranti Dal, which spearheaded the agitation for the creation of a separate hill State, stand to be marginalised.

The Uttarakhand area sent 22 MLAs to the Uttar Pradesh Assembly. In 2001 when the boundaries of the constituencies were redrawn, the 1971 census figures were considered. This gave the hills 57 of the 70 seats. The present delimitation has been done on the basis of the 2001 census. This seeks to give 30 seats to the plains and the terai region. What does it mean politically? Parties like the BSP, which had made inroads in 2002 winning five Assembly seats, would increase their presence. On the other hand, the Uttarakhand Kranti Dal could cease to exist with several hill constituencies including Kanalichhina, held by its president Kashi Singh Airy, set to be wiped off the political map.

The divide in Uttarakhand was always thought to be between the Garhwal and Kumaon regions. The Delimitation Commission would create a third distinct bloc, which given its relative affluence would marshal the politics of Uttarakhand. A survey published in a prominent daily from Dehradun mirrored the divide effectively by showing the regional differences in the preference for the Chief Minister. In the Garhwal region, BJP MP and former Union Minister BC Khanduri emerged as the favourite garnering 39.21% preferences compared to Uttarakhand Congress president Harish Rawat (21.19%) and incumbent Chief Minister ND Tiwari (14.49%).

In Kumaon, Rawat and State BJP president Bhagat Singh Koshiyari emerged as close contenders getting 36% and 33% preferences respectively. The performance of both Tiwari and Khanduri was abysmal in the region. In the plains, however, both performed creditably with Tiwari topping with 39.46% preferences compared to Khanduri’s 25%.

“The figures show that the insulation of the people of the isolated hill areas has increased. While Khanduri has acceptability in Garhwal for the several road projects he commissioned as a Minister in the NDA Government, Tiwari is held responsible for restricting development to the industrial estates of Hardwar and Uddham Singh Nagar,” says Hari Raj Singh, a consultant with a World Bank project. Development in Uttarakhand is seen not to have benefited the hill people. The entrepreneurs who were encouraged to set-up projects by State Industrial Development Corporation of Uttaranchal (SIDCUL) are seen as poachers of the State’s wealth. “Unfortunately, the word SIDCUL today has evil connotations,” adds Singh.

The BJP is quiet on the issue as of now. With the increase of seats in the plains they, however, have an opportunity. It would create a typical western UP kind of political equation given the large Muslim presence in Hardwar, Roorkee and the Kumaon terai areas of Uddham Singh Nagar district.

The BSP in 2002 encashed this Muslim presence by fielding candidates from the minority community. It is trying to repeat it this time around too. The BJP has emerged as their main challenger. It’s no surprise that Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi has had the biggest draw in the political meetings in the Hardwar region. As for the Congress, its leaders are already talking in the terms of forming a coalition Government with BSP support, after the results are announced on February 28.

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The Issue of Delimitation of the Uttaranchal Assembly Seats:


WILL THE ELECTION COMMISSION GO BY THE RULEBOOK OR BY THE PUBLIC SENTIMENTS?    By Suresh Nautiyal


EVEN as discontentment over the government's apathy not to provide for apportionment of the assets between the new state of Uttaranchal and the parent state of Uttar Pradesh on the basis of geographical area ratio, as demanded by almost every Uttarakhand organisation, continues; the demand for delimitation of the assembly seats on the basis of geographical area ratio is fast gaining momentum in the hilly part of the state.


According to the Section 12(2) of the Uttar Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000, number of seats in the Uttaranchal assembly has been fixed at 70 and under Section 22 of the said Act, the responsibility of delimitation of assembly constituencies has been rested with the Election Commission, but the EC, till date, has not taken any clear-cut position on the issue, perhaps fearing opposition to the proposed move from the local political organisations.


It has, however, maintained that the popular sentiments of the local people in this regard would be taken care of while taking a final decision on the issue. But, at the same time the EC has expressed its inability to go beyond the rulebook or the provisions of the Uttar Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000, which has made provision for delimitation of the assembly seats on the basis of population ratio. In such a scenario, how the EC will perform this feat is to be seen in the times ahead.


During his visit to Dehradun in May, 2001, James Michael Lyngdoh, the then
Election Commissioner and now the Chief Election Commissioner of India, had promised that the delimitation in the state of Uttaranchal would be completed by the end of the year and executed on the basis of 1971 census.


Though Lyngdoh did not make any promise, he made it known that the diverse geographical conditions of the state would be taken into consideration while taking a final view on the matter of delimitation.


Similar views were expressed by the then CEC, Dr MS Gill, who was in Nainital during the same time. Dr Gill had made it clear that the sentiments of the people of the state would be taken care of while finalising the delimitation work and they would also be provided with the draft of the delimitation work before a final decision on the matter. Dr Gill had also promised that the draft of the delimitation work would be shown to the people first.


In fact, the regional organisations, the Uttarakhand Kranti Dal on top of  them, have been pitching for delimitation on the basis of geographical area ratio along with its demand for the apportionment of assets with the parent state on the same basis. The UKD's argument that more than half of the local population has migrated to the plains in search of their livelihood holds water. Therefore, according to the party, the population ratio basis must be adopted for either apportionment of the assets or for the delimitation of the assembly seats.


Even the BJP's local leadership is not averse to the idea that the delimitation should be on the geographical area ratio basis. According to Prakash Suman Dhyani, a local BJP leader, the same basis was adopted in Maharashtrra and J&K while delimiting the seats.


There are several strong points in favour of the popular demand that the basis of the delimitation need to be the geographical area ratio. Apart from the UKD's argument, the papers compiled by the former bureaucrat and chief of the Uttarakhand Vikas party, S S Pangti, are quite convincing. According to the papers, which have already been submitted with the EC, the density of population varies vastly within the state.


Average population (1991), per square km, in the districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Pithoragarh, and Rudraprayag is only 30, 44, 53, and 80 respectively as against 125, 131, 132, 141, 155 of Pauri, Nainital, Tehri, Almora, and Champawat districts respectively. The density of population, per sq km, of the districts of Bageshwar, Dehradun, Udham Singh Nagar, and Hardwar is 212, 332, 460, 564 respectively.


Within the districts, the density of population also varies vastly. For example, in the district of Chamoli, it is only 5.8 in Joshimath and around 40 and in Deval and Dasoli blocks as against 159 and 127 of the blocks of Narayanbagar and Gairsain. Even in the district of Dehradun, density of population of Chakrata block is only 95 per sq km as against 229 and 310 of the blocks of Raipur and Doiwalla.


Pangti goes further by pointing out that the blocks on the Tibet border and the adjoining blocks are thinly populated. Density of population of all the five blocks on the border ie Mori, Bhatwari, Joshimath, Munsyari, Deval, and Purola is below 50. It is also to be noted that these blocks are spread in vast areas of high Himalaya where the terrain is very difficult and means of communication are virtually non-existent.


"Apart from this, these areas are very sensitive from security point of view. In many areas, one has to walk on foot for three to four days to reach the villages. Tribal population mainly inhabits these areas of high Himalaya and come in contact with the mainstream societies only during their winter migration to lower areas of the hills," says Pangti who incidentally comes from one of these areas.


According to him, enumeration of the population of higher hills during census operations is very difficult and census figures always show much smaller number of their population of the communities living there because the life of these people in the higher hills is on constant move.


"For example, during the Becket Settlement (1863-73), the population of the Bhotia tribe of Jauhar pargana and Darma was 13, 483, which increased to 14,125 by 1881. However, as per census of 1991, the population of all the tribes of Pithoragarh district s only 18,313," he argues.


Similarly, the Bhotia population of Joshimath sub-division was 6,383 in 1872 and 7,513 in 1881. This increased to 10,273 in 1991 only. Population density in the urban areas vary from 540 in Chamoli to more than 5000 in Hardwar and Udham Singh Nagar districts.


Several Uttarakhand leaders, including Kashi Singh Airy of the UKD and Pangti, therefore point out that the assembly constituencies be delimited keeping in view the geographical area factor. " There is no point in  delimiting assembly seats on the basis of population as just under 50 per cent of the Uttarakhand population comprises of only three districts of Hardwar, Dehradun, and Udham Singh Nagar," Airy emphasises.


The UKD leader, Airy, as well as Pangti assert that it would be highly unfair to allow these three districts to enjoy about 50 per cent seats in the assembly. "This would be gross injustice to the people living in the higher altitude areas," Pangti defends.


In view of the above, Hardwar is going to be pivotal because of its large population. Its caste pattern also varies from that of the hills. Because of the size of population of these three districts, the entire configuration of the earlier envisioned state of Uttarakhand does not seem to be translating into reality. Therefore, proportional representation based on population is not welcome in the state.


In a large country Like India the diverse cultures, religions, languages, tribal and ethnic differences, and racial variations, with historical, geographical, and political divergences make it a democracy functioning with all its complexities. If the democratic spirit were to be abandoned, true democracy and collective freedom with authentic federal features would be impossible. Uttarakhand people's demand is just an expression of its effort to be an integral part of the Indian polity with the manifestation of its identity and cultural dimensions, which again are
sub-divided into several mini-streams back in the hills.
 
 In India, when linguistic states were demanded, there was no contra-national passion. On the other hand, it was a great nationalist who urged that linguistic states be formed. The US, the most powerful state in the world, despite considerable autonomy to its states, is proof that nationalism and devolution of power to states are not self-contradictory.


In view of this, if the assembly seats of Uttarakhand or the Uttaranchal state were delimited keeping in mind the demands of the UKD and others, no seditious activities are going to take place there. People have already seen the largest popular and democratic movement in the post-independence era in the shape of the Uttarakhand Movement.


In fact, the movement has gone down in the annals of history as one of the most peaceful movement despite the oppression let loose by the state machinery on its own citizens whose sole responsibility fell on the state. For sure, the tragedy of Muzaffarnagar was the dirtiest blot on the State after the tragedy of the Jallianwallah Bagh in Punjab.


It is being said that the BJP does not want early elections keeping in view the ground realities. It wants to consolidate its position before the assembly elections are held. Reservation for various ethnic or religious groups can be ensured. The UKD is of the opinion that the basis for delimitation of the assembly seats should be the census of 1971 and the geographical area ratio. Single basis cannot be acceptable.


There are also reservations on the proposal to establish the Ganga, Yamuna
and Sharada Management Board for the development of these water resources
as well as for the administration, construction, maintenance, and operation of the projects for the purpose of irrigation, rural and urban water supply, hydro power generation and navigation.


Uttarakhand represents a highly distinct geographic, cultural, and economic region. Therefore, the people's choice Gairsain town in Chamoli district for their permanent capital holds strong symbolic and historical significance as a uniting central point.


The national parties like the BJP and the Congress do not favour the demand of several regional organisations led by the UKD. This is for the simple reason because these national parties cannot take the risk of losing the vote banks in the plains of the state and the neighbouring areas in Uttar Pradesh where assembly elections are due next year.


The Uttaranchal Congress president, Harish Rawat, is reported to have observed that demand for delimitation on the geographical area basis smacked of Pahari chauvinism and therefore was unwarranted. He said such a demand was detrimental to the unity of the state.


One thing is important that the tenure of the Uttaranchal MLAs is due to expire with the members of the Uttar Pradesh assembly because they were elected with the UP assembly members. Therefore, the delimitation of the Uttaranchal assembly seats must be completed before the election process for the UP assembly is announced, so that elections to the Uttaranchal assembly seats are held simultaneously. A forced government or a government not elected by the people would not only be unconstitutional but also detrimental to the interests of the people who are yet to taste the fruits of their struggle.


Though S S Barnala is holding a non-partisan office of Governor, he seems to be influenced by the Akali politics. He is reportedly in favour of delimitation on the basis of population ratio. Chief Minister Nityanand Swami seems to be in a piquant situation. He would not like to do anything that supports the theory of his being an outsider or a non-pahari. At the same time, he cannot distance himself from those non-paharis on whose support he has been thriving all these years, politically. On those people's support who were hardly supporters of the hill state theory.


A ten-member committee is likely to be constituted to finalise the delimitation process. Five members will be selected by the EC, while rest of them have to be appointed by the Centre. It is learnt that names to fill five vacancies in the panel have already been suggested by the Uttaranchal Chief Minister to the Centre. This part of the process was long due as the opposition groups were critical of the state government for not being able to suggest five members' names.


Cutting across the party lines, several leaders are of the opinion that geographical area ratio has to be the basis for the delimitation. They cite examples from the states such as Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, and Maharashtra where, according to them, cognisance of the geographical area ratio was taken while finalising the assembly seats. They point out that geographical area ratio was the basis for delimitation of seats in the Vidarbha region, which is considered as a backward area.


In nutshell, the debate has already turned into a tussle between the Paharis and
The non-paharis or the outsiders. And interestingly, both of the groups do not want to look beyond their own interests. In such a scenario, opposition to the final decision of the EC seems imminent no matter whether it is in favour of the paharis or in favour of the non-paharis.

 

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The political scene in the new state— Raja Bahuguna

On November 9, 2000, the BJP came to power under the leadership of Nityanand Swamy in the newly born state of Uttaranchal. On this day, the people of Uttarakhand rejected BJP’s call to celebrate Diwale in the wake of formation of the new state. Reason was that the people of Uttarakhand were made alienated from their own resources through the UP Reorganisation Bill 2000 in the process of formation of the new state. People have understood the BJP’s ploy of giving Uttarakhand a colony-like status vis-a-vis the UP govt. Hence they rejected the ‘Diwali celebration’ call. Now people are witnessing, in the name of establishing the temporary capital in Dehradun, crores of rupees being wasted by the corrupt bureaucrat-politician nexus.

Now, even after completion of 7 months of new state’s govt., Chief Minister Nityanand Swamy’s status remains a junior partner of UP Chief Minister Rajnath Singh. Swamy could not dare to utter a word to Rajnath Singh be it a matter of distribution of assets or the question of punishing guilty officials responsible for the gory incident of Muzaffarnagar. It seems that things have come to a standstill. Rajnath Singh refused to give CBI permission to register a case against Anant Kumar Singh, presently his Principle Secretary and was DM of Muzaffarnagar when the Muzaffarnagar incident took place in October’94. But Nityanand Swamy is tight-lipped on this question while many senior leaders of BJP, including Murali Manohar Joshi, shed crocodile tears and toured whole of Uttarakhand with pots containing urns of martyrs of that incident.

After taking oath as Chief Minister, Nityanand Swamy’s first public declaration was to make Uttarakhand liquor- and Mafia-free after march 2001, but number of liquor shops have nearly doubled and Mafia nexus has grown stronger and more powerful. Even then the Chief Minister is not ashamed of his deeds when he now says that he can make Uttarakhand liquor-free only if he is made a dictator. This attitude of the CM towards a very common and popular demand of nearly the entire women population of this hill region clearly shows he is blatantly anti-women and is in total control of the mafia.

The number of crimes has increased in the new state and criminals are roaming scot-free. The number of incidents of police repression of weaker sections of society have also increased on the other hand. Communal and reactionary organisations have tried to create communal tension during last couple of months. In Ramnagar town of Nainital district, the police killed a youth in custody. As that youth belonged to Muslim minority community hundreds of people from that community immediately gheraoed the police station in protest. Police and local leaders of Vyapar Mandal, in desperation, tried to communalise the issue. This incident created tension in the town to some extent but prompt intervention of progressive people of both communities diffused the tension and under public pressure the district Administration was forced to register a case against accused police personnel and arrest them. Chief Minister and many Ministers of his govt. visited town during that period but did not utter even a single word against the custodial death of Zakir and none visited his family to console them. On the contrary, an FIR has been registered against 2500 protesting people by SI OP Mishra who himself was primarily responsible for flaring up communal tension along with BJP and Vyapar Mandal leaders.

No signs of development are seen after the formation of the new state. According special state status to Uttaranchal by the centre has been projected by Chief Minister as an achievement but without a vision for development and lack of spirit and planning on the part of state Govt., centre’s money for special status state will only go to the pockets of corrupt politician-bureaucrat-mafia nexus and it will further increase the vows of the already suffering people. This government promised to provide water, education and health to each and every household but has ended up in providing liquor and wine to everyone. Thousands of vacancies are there for teachers’ posts in Uttaralkhand but instead of giving trained unemployed youth regular employment, the govt. is appointing teachers on contract basis. Employment in army is said to be the biggest industry for youth of Uttartakhand but now situation has aggravated to such an extent that for 300-400 vacancies in army 5,000-10,000 youth gather at recruitment camps. This situation generally results in mayhem and lathi-charge in the name of maintaining discipline.

In an interesting development, the UP chief Minister has refused to call back 4500 govt. employees of Uttar Pradesh who have opted for the UP cadre after formation of the new state as per govt. regulations. Now new state’s govt. has to arrange for the salaries of those employees from its already depleted resources and this has also diminished the already scarce employment opportunities in the new state.

After completion of 100 days in office, the Swamy govt. through costly full-page ads declared that it has finalised a comprehensive development strategy by sighing MOU with UNDP. What a joke? This govt.’s development strategy completely banks upon meagre aid from the UNDP and imperialist agencies like World Bank. It is only deceiving people. The reality is that the Swamy govt. is making Uttarakhand a hostage to the World Bank through long-term agreements. In the name of ‘Joint Forest Management’ and ‘Swajal’ this game has already started.

The Uttarakhand govt. has to arrange for its water resources and hydroelectric power projects’ maintenance and salaries of their employees. But Uttar Pradesh’s monopoly will remain on production. The BJP has written a new history by depriving new state from making its own land ceiling act which is totally unconstitutional.

Uttarakhand’s people neither got their long-aspired “Uttarakhand” state nor a capital of their choice, they have only been provided a sign board of ‘Uttaranchal’. After long struggles and sacrifices, the BJP govt. was forced to give a new state under people’s pressure but it strangulated people’s aspirations in the process. Therefore, the people’s movements are continuing even after the formation of the new state. Students, workers, peasants, women, all are struggling. They are preparing to intensify their efforts to get rid of the anti-people govt. sitting in Dehradun. At the moment, people’s first demand now is to hold assembly elections along with UP elections. This requires the immediate start and speedy completion of the delimitation process of constituencies but the BJP has turned deaf ears to this demand. The BJP leaders’ statements indicate its desire to prolong and slow-down delimitation process so that it can run unelected interim govt. for as long a time as possible. But, recently, the CEC Lyngdoh has announced that elections in Uttarakhand would be held along with UP elections. Since panchayat elections in Uttarakhand are due in October, this has warmed up political activities.

To stabilise his position, the CM, Swamy has given ministerial status to all MLAs of his party and highest positions in important committees to nearly all opposition MLAs. This has made already the weak opposition in the interim govt. nearly dead.

The Congress is projecting itself as the BJP’s alternative in Uttarakhand’s politics while other parties like Samajwadi Party, BSP, Uttarakhand Kranti Dal, Uttarakhand Janwadi Party etc. are also claiming the same. The CPI(M) has announced that it will follow Mulayam Singh’s footsteps. This is clear from Sitaram Yechury’s recent statement in Dehradun. Some efforts are also on for third or fourth front formations. We have also launched a campaign to get rid of inert and inefficient Nityanand Swamy govt. Padayatras and awakening campaigns are being launched for this purpose. This has to be transformed into a statewide campaign under the slogan, “Fight for establishing democracy, come forward to build a revolutionary left”. Our efforts will be to build a militant alternative against the Congress and the BJP around this slogan. A militant mass movement against anti-people policies of the Congress and the BJP and an effective revolutionary opposition alone can solve the challenges posed before the people of this newly formed state. This will also lead to a real third front which will be an alternative to the discredited Congress and BJP.

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Uttaranchal hill leaders worry over delimitation seat loss
By Indian Express

The notification issued by the Delimitation Commission, delimiting the Assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies, would change the state's political equation. Though the forthcoming Assembly polls scheduled in February would not be held as per the fresh delimitation, but the power balance in the state would be affected in the long run.
As per the new delimitation, the total number of Assembly seats in nine hill districts have come down to 34 from the present 40, while, the four plain districts of Dehradun, Hardwar, Udham Singh Nagar and Nainital would gain these six seats. The delimitation of the Assembly segments for the first-ever Assembly elections in 2002 was done on the basis of the 1971 census report. In the 70-member Assembly, the four plain districts namely Dehradun, Udham Singh Nagar, Hardwar and Nainital had 30 seats while the remaining 40 seats went to the nine hill districts.

The issue is bound to be raised during the campaigning for the forthcoming Assembly elections. Uttarakhand Kranti Dal (UKD), a regional political outfit which opposed the delimitation process, has already launched a campaign against the notification blaming the ruling Congress as well as main Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party for the delimitation process. "The delimitation done on the basis of population would ultimately negate the very purpose of forming a separate hill state as population in the hills has been on the decrease," Shivanand Chamoli, UKD general secretary said.

The ruling Congress and the BJP have adopted a studied silence on the issue. Leaders of the hill districts cutting across party lines are opposing the delimitation process because, as per the Delimitation Act , the basis for formation of Assembly segments is population. And, according to the 2001 census report, the majority of the population in Uttaranchal is concentrated on the plains.

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नये परिसीमन के अनुसार विधान सभा क्षेत्र देखने के लिये निम्न लिंक को देखें

http://www.delimitation-india.com/Final_Publications/Uttaranchal/Final_Order_Pondicherry.pdf

एम.एस. मेहता /M S Mehta 9910532720

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परिसीमन मुद्दे पर केंद्र में दस्तक देंगे जनरलJan 12, 02:21 am

देहरादून। नए परिसीमन को लेकर सूबे की अर्जी पर द्वारा ध्यान न देने से आहत मुख्यमंत्री मेजर जनरल (से.नि.) भुवन चंद्र खंडूड़ी ने एक बार फिर से केंद्र सरकार में दस्तक देने की बात की है। 'जनरल' ने आज विपक्ष पर सवाल दागते हुए कहा कि सत्ता से बाहर जाने के बाद भी आखिर कांग्रेसी सरकारी पद क्यों नहीं छोड़ रहे हैं। उनका कहना था कि मनेरी भाली फेज-दो से बिजली का उत्पादन शीघ्र ही शुरू होने वाला है।

यहां एक भेंट में 'जनरल' ने नए परिसीमन के मुद्दे पर कहा कि उनकी समझ में नहीं आ रहा है कि केंद्र ने ऐसा निर्णय क्यों लिया। इस राज्य के हालात अलग हैं। पूर्वोत्तार राज्यों की भांति ही यहां भी क्षेत्रफल के साथ ही घनत्व को भी आधार बनाया जाना चाहिए था। उन्होंने इस बारे में केंद्र सरकार को लिखा भी था। इस मामले में अगली रणनीति के सवाल पर सीएम ने कहा कि केंद्र सरकार से फिर वार्ता की जाएगी और राज्य के हालात बताए जाएंगे। बदरी-केदार मंदिर समिति अध्यक्ष के खिलाफ जांच के मामले पर उनका कहना था कि इस बारे में तो विभागीय मंत्री के स्तर से ही पता चल पाएगा, क्योंकि उनके पास अभी तक कोई भी रिपोर्ट नहीं आई है। इसके साथ ही 'जनरल' ने एक सवाल भी दागा कि 'आखिर सत्ता से बाहर जाने के बाद कांग्रेसी नेता सरकारी पद क्यों नहीं छोड़ रहे हैं'। उनका अपना तो मानना है कि सरकार बदलने के साथ ही सरकारी पदों को छोड़ दिया जाना चाहिए। सूबे में खाद्यान्न और बिजली संकट के लिए मुख्यमंत्री केंद्र को दोषी ठहराते हैं। उनका कहना था कि खाद्यान्न कोटे के बारे में केंद्रीय मंत्री शरद पवार को पत्र भेजा गया है। बिजली संकट पर उनका कहना था कि गैस की कमी के कारण कई इकाइयों में बिजली का उत्पादन ठप हो गया है। इसकी चपेट में वे इकाइयां भी आ गई हैं, जिनसे इन दिनों बिजली के लिए राज्य ने करार किया था। केंद्र को यह देखना चाहिए कि बिजली उत्पादक इकाइयों को गैस की पर्याप्त और नियमित आपूर्ति मिल सके।

 

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